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What Is Populism?, by Jan-Werner Müller
PDF Download What Is Populism?, by Jan-Werner Müller
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Review
"No one has written more insightfully and knowledgeably about Europe's recent democratic decay than Jan-Werner Müller. Here Müller confronts head on the key questions raised by the resurgence of populism globally. How is it different from other kinds of politics, why is it so dangerous, and how can it be overcome? Müller's depiction of populism as democracy's antipluralist, moralistic shadow is masterful."—Dani Rodrik, Harvard University"This is an exceptionally intelligent book about a notoriously slippery, yet essential, political concept. Jan-Werner Müller's sweeping critique of populism will both instruct and challenge anyone who seeks to understand the roots and nature of the political conflicts that are roiling Europe and the United States."—Michael Kazin, author of The Populist Persuasion: An American History"The most useful work to comprehend Trump's appeal is What Is Populism? (2016) by Princeton University political scientist Jan-Werner Müller. In this essential book, Müller defines populism's most salient characteristics—antielitism, antipluralism, exclusivity—and explains Trump and other populists through that framework. It is a quick read, and worth every page."—The Washington Post"Essential reading"—Guardian"Populism is not just antiliberal, it is antidemocratic—the permanent shadow of representative politics. That's Jan-Werner Müller's argument in this brilliant book. There is no better guide to the populist passions of the present."—Ivan Krastev, International New York Times
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About the Author
Jan-Werner Muller is Professor of Politics at Princeton University. He is author of several books, most recently Contesting Democracy: Political Ideas in Twentieth Century Europe. He contributes regularly to London Review of Books, the Guardian, and the New York Review of Books.
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Product details
Hardcover: 136 pages
Publisher: University of Pennsylvania Press (August 22, 2016)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 9780812248982
ISBN-13: 978-0812248982
ASIN: 0812248988
Product Dimensions:
5.5 x 0.4 x 8.5 inches
Shipping Weight: 11.2 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
Average Customer Review:
4.3 out of 5 stars
54 customer reviews
Amazon Best Sellers Rank:
#92,903 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
This is an excellent and insightful book. If you think there is some symmetry between the anti-elitist tones of the Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders 2016 US Presidential campaigns, this book will explain why that's an error. If you think that the Trump campaign, along with similar campaigns in European countries such as by the Front National in France, is articulating some valid and important "corrective" of the current purportedly democratic system, it will explain why that's an error too. And if you think populism is something that only right-wingers engage in, or that it will go back into hibernation in the US if Trump loses in November 2016 — or, for that matter, if he wins and joins the power elite (assuming, purely for the sake of argument, that he hasn't been a member of it all along) — well, you'll see why you're mistaken about that, too.As described in the publisher's blurb shown above, an important theme of the book is that populism rejects pluralism. For the author (JWM) this is grounds for distinguishing it sharply from progressivism, notwithstanding that for historical reasons some in the US believe the two concepts are associated. (Europeans, who experienced the populist movements Nazism and Fascism (@93), are less prone to this confusion.) Nor is populism simply anti-elitism, a mistaken equivalence that's led some commentators, and Trump himself, to assert a commonality between Trump and Sanders. Rather, says JWM, populism is the conjunction of anti-elitism with an exclusionary notion of who "we the people" are. Though it's often right-wing, such as with 1960s segregationist Gov. George Wallace, Trump, and the French Le Pen political family, it can also appear on the left, as with Hugo Chávez in Venezuela.A key feature of the populists' exclusionary claim is its moral character. "When running for office, populists portray their political competitors as part of the immoral, corrupt elite; when ruling, they refuse to recognize any opposition as legitimate. The populist logic also implies that whoever does not support populist parties might not be a proper part of the people …" (@3). The raison d'être of populism doesn't evaporate when populists are elected, since they can blame any setbacks or opposition on the elites struggling to hold onto power, or on the immoral fraction who aren't really part of the people. As the populist president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip ErdoÄŸan, simply put it: "We're the people. Who are you?"While not all identity politics is populist, populism is identity politics of a very totalizing sort. "Put simply, populists do not claim 'We are the 99 percent.' What they imply instead is 'We are the 100 percent.'" (@id.). As such, populism isn't a "corrective" to democracy, but a *danger* to democracy, since democracy requires "the recognition that we need to find fair terms of living together as free, equal, but also irreducibly diverse citizens" (@id.). JWM describes populism as the "shadow" of representative democracy (@20, 101), suggesting something dark and qualitatively different, but inseparable from the thing itself. Ironically, there's nonetheless some symmetry or "mirroring" between populism and many recent elected Western democratic administrations: if populism is the notion that there's only one authentic will of the people, many ostensibly liberal democratic governments are devoted to technocracy, the notion that there's only one correct policy solution (@97). It's interesting to apply JWM's observation to the Obama Administration, for example, which is determined to push ahead with Trans-Pacific Partnership despite widespread opposition in the electorate.While the book will give you insight into the 2016 US election and into some major European elections yet to come, it won't necessarily make you feel more upbeat about them — probably the reverse. For one thing, the third chapter, entitled "How to Deal with Populists," is longer on negative advice (e.g., don't be exclusionary, like the populists themselves) than on affirmative suggestions, which boil down to "structural reform" to reduce inequality (see @98-99). For another, the book won't have much impact on the people who most need to digest its contents — the ones who are swayed by populism. Even though the text is less philosophical and more down-to-earth in tone than a German edition that preceded it (»Was ist Populismus? Ein Essay«, Suhrkamp 2016), it's still aimed way above a US general audience. Only the most intellectual Trump supporters might even consider engaging with this book, and most likely it wouldn't persuade them to change their minds anyway. And for their opponents, the book might make you feel like someone who's getting an explanation of the physics of house fires while watching your neighborhood burning: it's intellectually stimulating to understand the process, and you'll understand things you've observed, but per se it doesn't make you feel any less anxious or more empowered about the outcome.The book is written in a clear style that's easy to follow. This US edition isn't exactly a translation but more of a shorter, complementary version of the German edition, released in April 2016. While there's a lot of overlap, much material has been cut, rearranged, redistributed or is entirely new. For example, whereas the German version concludes with a nuanced "summary in ten theses, with a word about the future of representative democracy" and ends on a definite, monitory note, Americans get simply a brief recap of the book in "seven theses on populism," closing with a list of further questions to be explored. The endnotes have also been trimmed back from about 190 in German to 150 here. Many references to European politics and particularly to German politics are missing, though the US version doesn't exile European topics entirely: e.g. the regime of Hungarian populist Viktor Orbán frequently provides examples. On the other hand, the US version has more detailed discussion of Trump and some US political scientists, and if I'm not mistaken it adds a couple of pertinent new quotes, including a very disturbing one from Nazi constitutional theorist Carl Schmitt, and an interesting one from poet Paul Valéry.University presses aren't known for their speed, so praise to the publisher for bringing out this book so quickly: though published in September 2016, it mentions Trump speeches from May and the Brexit vote outcome from July of the same year. There are endnotes, but no index or reference list. It's especially stimulating to read this book during the current American campaign season, but whatever the outcome of the election, the book will remain an important guide for avoiding misconceptions about populism — and especially for learning how to recognize it for the unmitigated danger that it is.
Jan-Werner Müller is German and teaches politics at Princeton. Muller discusses populism and many of the leaders who have been described as populist in recent years. The list includes Trump, Erdogan, Wilders, Orban, Le Pen, Farage, and Chavez. Populism is defined in the Oxford dictionary as: "A political approach that strives to appeal to ordinary people who feel that their concerns are disregarded by established elite groups." Muller uses the term pejoratively. Ultimately, his book asks the question, whether the political elite should carry out the will of the people; or impose its own "superior" views on society. Muller seems to favor the latter and for some reason views this as the democratic option. Muller is a master of Orwellian doublethink. I have lived in the U.S. and Europe and I disagreed with most of his argument and his views on history. Instead, I would recommend National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy by two British academics, Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin.Populists are already in government in some way in six EU member states: The list includes Austria, the Czech Republic, Greece, Hungary, Italy, and Poland. Across the EU there are 11 populist parties with popular support above 20%, implying that the number of populist governments could roughly double.Muller believes that we should fear populism, but he conflates the term with totalitarianism, which is a mistake. He believes that the end game for populists is a country that looks like Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union. Both countries elected leaders who became dictators. Lenin in 1917 and Hitler in 1933. Muller describes the playbook used by both men. They used lies and violence to take power and then crushed their opponents after they won control.Muller ignores the reasons why populism has recently reemerged in the West. Free market policies have increased inequality and the working class is being left behind. Most people want immigration controls and they expected their governments to deliver. Instead, people have been told to get used to immigration and to focus on its benefits. The liberal elite seems to fear being accused of racism and they can see the benefits of cheap imported labor. My mother is retired and lives in Britain. She has employed Polish gardeners, plumbers, and decorators to remodel her house. She tells me they do a great job and are cheap.Muller is worried about Trump and Brexit and sees totalitarians everywhere. There are fears in the mainstream media about Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic going over to the dark side. I worked in Eastern Europe after the Soviet Union collapsed. These countries were occupied by the Nazis and then the Soviets and have fought to preserve their culture. The EU does not believe in national identity. Muller has unusual views about how democracy works. He seems to believe that the people should accept the policies handed down by technocratic elites because these people are experts and they are better qualified to make decisions. If the people reject their policies he regards them as populists and therefore anti-democratic. The European media has often labelled opponents of immigration as "far-right" or "neo-Nazi."To summarize, Muller argues that populism threatens the very basis of democracy. It does so by undermining the idea of pluralism. He believes that populists claim to represent the people but they create their own elites once they obtain power, like the Nazis and Communists. He believes that populist parties are authoritarian and often have a supreme leader (e.g., Hitler, Lenin or Mao). Once ensconced in power, populist leaders find scapegoats to blame for problems that emerge: corrupt elites, saboteurs, the media, foreign meddlers and so on. They prepare the people for some kind of showdown with the alleged enemies of the people. Once in power, populist leaders destroy democratic norms to consolidate power and crush their critics, just as Hitler and Lenin did.None of this seems applicable to the U.S. and UK. This is something Muller fails to grasp. Both countries rejected extremism during the Great Depression. The U.S. elected FDR while the Germans elected Adolf Hitler. Britain picked two moderates before ending up with Neville Chamberlain, a Conservative, who declared war on Hitler. Brexit is unlikely to lead to another Third Reich. Ironically, some Brexit supporters feared that the EU was turning into a Fourth Reich ruled by Germany. Müller has an obsession with Britain’s Nigel Farage and implies that he is a dictator in waiting, this is nonsense. Farage is a vocal and effective critic of the EU and a former commodities trader. Farage has made eight failed attempts to become a British member of parliament. Mature democracies should be able to handle robust debate and cope with people like Farage who use their right of free speech to question the political establishment.Britain's political parties often started out as populist movements. The British Labour Party was created in 1893 because many in the working class did not believe their grievances were being properly addressed. It initially grew out of the trade union movement and the church. Its first leader was a lay preacher. New parties often emerge as society evolves. The Labour Party, despite its populist roots, has not produced any demagogic leaders and has not tried to overthrow democracy.Muller is a true believer in the EU. The EU has a population of 510 million people and there are 28 member countries. Its long-term aim is to create a United States of Europe. It lacks America's homogenous culture and a common language. It increasingly suffers from a democratic deficit between Brussels and outlying regions. Its evangelists aim to create an ideal society ruled by technocrats. In Europe, the technocrats are increasingly seen as distant, unaccountable, and arrogant. The EU is also plagued with groupthink and ignores views it does not like. European history tells us that when elites ignore the people bad things can happen.The EU's current economic problems were triggered by the 2008 financial crises and the euro. How it reacted made things worse and helps explain the rise in populism. Austerity economics in the eurozone has resulted in slow growth and high unemployment since 2008. The EU replaced “populist†leaders in Greece and Italy. Greece then lost 30% of its GDP and its unemployment is still above 20%. A large section of the Italian public is increasingly hostile to the euro. The country has had virtually no economic growth since 1999. Many Italians believe they need a change of direction, and an anti-EU government has just taken power in Italy. According to Tim Geithner, a former U.S. Treasury Secretary, the EU asked the U.S. to approve the removal of Silvio Berlusconi, a previous Italian president who would not do as he was told.Europe's populist leaders have become a thorn in the side of the EU. Hungary's leader, Viktor Orban, is accused of being anti-democratic, however, he was recently elected with a two-thirds majority in a national election. Many of his nationalistic policies are not acceptable to the EU, however, they are popular with a majority of Hungarians, especially those who want to limit immigration. The implication is that Orban is misleading the Hungarian people and they are too stupid to notice. The question is whether Hungarians need the approval of the EU to run their country the way they want to.Muller argues that in Europe and the United States it is less educated white males that are attracted to populism. For some reason, their views don't seem to count. The reviews on the dust jacket agree that Muller has brilliant insights, but he does not seem to understand that populism grows when elites are out of touch. The EU's problem is that it is not willing to listen to its people's concerns. The EU wants a federal Europe but many of its citizens don't. Muller fears the return of totalitarianism, but what seems more likely is the break-up of the EU.
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